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Prelude to Catastrophe: FDR's Jews and the Menace of Nazism, by Robert Shogan
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Franklin Roosevelt was the first great hero of American Jews. FDR's promise of economic and social justice was consonant with the mainstays of Jewish culture and with the ethos of the Old Testament and the prophets. And of course these themes were especially resonant during the desperate days of the Great Depression.
The Jews who so deeply admired Roosevelt made up the richest, most influential Jewish community in the world, leaders in government, commerce, and the arts. Yet by the time Franklin Roosevelt died in office, six million European Jews had been murdered by the Nazis while neither FDR nor American Jews lifted much more than a finger to help them. How did the president, the nation he led, and American Jewry allow this to happen? There is no simple answer, but Robert Shogan seeks a partial explanation by examining the behavior of a handful of Jews, so close to Roosevelt and supposedly so influential that they could be considered "the president's Jews."
Most prestigious was Supreme Court justice Louis D. Brandeis. Next was Felix Frankfurter, Harvard law professor and later Supreme Court justice. Sam Rosenman, FDR's chief speechwriter from the time he was governor of New York. Treasury Secretary Henry Morgenthau was an old Dutchess County neighbor of Roosevelt's. Benjamin V. Cohen crafted the major financial reforms of the early New Deal. Their actions, and often inaction, illuminate the strengths and limits of interest-group politics, the system invented by FDR that dominated American politics for the remainder of the century. Taken broadly, the response of the president's Jews to the Nazi threat illustrates with heartbreaking intensity the dilemma of politics—the conflict between conscience and self-interest, between principle and expediency. With 8 pages of black-and-white photographs.
- Sales Rank: #2271096 in Books
- Brand: Brand: Ivan R. Dee
- Published on: 2010-09-16
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 9.20" h x 1.16" w x 6.13" l, 1.25 pounds
- Binding: Hardcover
- 312 pages
- Used Book in Good Condition
From Booklist
American Jews were among the most ardent supporters of Roosevelt and his New Deal policies. Jews also occupied prominent positions within all three branches of the federal government, and Roosevelt counted at least two as close advisers. Yet Shogan maintains that those Jews with the power to influence Roosevelt’s decisions were at best ineffective, and at worst passive, in aiding European Jews as Nazi persecution intensified. The author, a former political correspondent for Newsweek, acknowledges that the chances to save Jews were minimal once the war began. Still, he stands on the opinion that the U.S. should have bombed the rail lines leading to the death camps. However, in examining the prewar actions of American Jews, he illustrates how they failed to help their co-religionists find refuge as doors in Europe and the Americas were slamming shut. Shogan suggests insecurities and fears of appearing too assertive may have inhibited “FDR’s Jews” from taking a more aggressive stance. Just how influential these Jews actually were is debatable, but Shogan has shed useful light on a painful dilemma for American Jews. --Jay Freeman
Review
With close ties to FDR, a number of Jews seemed to exercise considerable influence in the United States during the New Deal era. The president's Jews, however, were largely silent as Hitler murdered more than 6 million of their European brethren. In this troubling and compelling book, Shogan shows how the silence of good men, indeed, helped evil to triumph. (Benjamin Ginsberg, author of The Fatal Embrace: Jews and the State)
Emphasizing political opportunism, evasion, and denial, Shogan examines the efforts of Franklin D. Roosevelt and his most important advisers to come to grips with the lethal anti-Semitism of Nazi Germany. His biographical assessments, some of which may appear etched in acid, will add to the continuing conflict over whether the President and those around him could have prevented the Holocaust or at least saved multitudes from its genocidal fury. (Alonzo L. Hamby, Ohio University)
Shogan gives old questions a new spin by examining the actions of five men he calls 'FDR's Jews': Supreme Court Justices Frankfurter and Brandeis, speechwriter Rosenman, Treasury Secretary Morgenthau, New Deal lawyer Cohen, and Rabbi Wise, leader of the World Jewish Congress. (Publishers Weekly)
Shogan focuses on the few powerful Jews in President Franklin Roosevelt's circle of advisers. . . . If Shogan's Prelude to Catastrophe is the story of a few powerful Jewish men, it is also a lesson in the actual limits of Jewish influence in American life. (Kansas City Star)
Recently, a new book directs its scholarly attention exclusively to those Jews who, in effect, served as an informal Judenrat for the Roosevelt administration when it came to the fate of European Jewry. In these 285 pages, Shogan turns his pen on those prominent Jews who came together, both formerly and informally, to represent FDR's political interests within the American Jewish community. Additionally, these same Jews falsely represented American Jewry's interests within the halls of power in Washington. (The Jewish Star)
American Jewry will never cease to be haunted by the question: Could we have done more to rescue the victims of the Nazi Holocaust? It's a question that has gained new resonance in our time, as the rulers of Iran race to complete a nuclear weapon. And it's the question that occupies center place in a new book by the veteran reporter Robert Shogan. Prelude to Catastrophe offers a series of profiles of Jews who held positions of special political influence during the administration of President Franklin Roosevelt. (COMMENTARY)
To the Jewish community of the United States, Franklin Delano Roosevelt was a hero. He was seen by the Jews as their modern day Moses. For the first time in modern political history Jews were given a respectful seat in the world of politics—FDR even gave them a seat around his table. He was a rarity, the first president of the United States to allow Jews access to the inner sanctum of the White House. During the war FDR's privileged Jews were involved in a constant struggle to understand whether they were to pursue a Jewish or an American agenda. They knew how dangerous it was to split their allegiance. But they also knew full well that the Jews of Europe were being murdered and that the United States was doing nothing to stop the genocide. What should the president of the United States be asked to do? The Jews were caught in a cult of gratitude. Almost everyone was silent on the issue. FDR's go-to rabbi was Steven Wise, a close friend. FDR's chief speechwriter was Samuel Rosenman, who had been his speechwriter since Roosevelt was governor of New York. The author of the all-important New Deal was Benjamin V. Cohen. Henry Morgenthau was an old time neighbor of the Roosevelt family and as Secretary of the Treasury he became the first Jewish cabinet member. The only person who really pushed the president and even then only by writing a report—never face to face—was Henry Morgenthau. The Special Report to the President on the Murder of the Jews of Europe, written by Morgenthau's assistants, did, however, stimulate the creation of the Bermuda Conference and the War Refugee Board. But it was too little and too late to save most of the European Jews. The rest, as they say, is history.
(Jewish Book World) About the Author
Robert Shogan, a former prizewinning national political correspondent for Newsweek and the Los Angeles Times, has also written No Sense of Decency; Backlash: The Killing of the New Deal; Bad News: Where the Press Goes Wrong in the Making of the President; and several other highly praised books in American history. He now teaches in the Washington Center of Johns Hopkins University and lives in Chevy Chase, Maryland.
Most helpful customer reviews
11 of 14 people found the following review helpful.
An outrageous defense of Roosevelt
By Ed Gehead
I find it amazing that Shogan defends Roosevelt's deliberate inaction to rescue European Jews by placing the blame on Jewish advisers. Roosevelt clearly had personal knowledge of Hitler's persecution of the Jews no later than Kristallnacht. Yet he refused to allow them entry to this country. He clearly had knowledge of the desperation of the Jews who attempted to flee Germany on the ship St Louis. Yet he would not allow the ship to dock in Florida. He was among the first to meet with escapees reporting on the mass murder of Jews during the war. Yet he did less than nothing. By this work and others Shogan shows that he is a die-hard apologist for a president whose actual history establishes that he was a moral coward and deserving of opprobrium rather than excused on the backs of a few feckless Jews. What I find depressing is that, despite historical disclosures, most Jews still admire Roosevelt and listen to historical spinners like Shogan. I give this book two stars because it accurately points out the weakness of Roosevelt's Jewish advisers, now used by Shogan to give Roosevelt cover for his moral bankruptcy.
7 of 10 people found the following review helpful.
Bystanders to the Holocaust?
By Pierre Sauvage
We will never know how the Roosevelt administration--including the then casually antisemitic State Department--might have been affected by determined, large-scale efforts by American Jews and non-Jews to pressure the government to react to the obviously desperate plight of the Jews of Europe, especially after it became known in the U.S. in 1942 that the Nazis had embarked on a policy of mass murder. But what author Robert Shogan sharply delineates, in this riveting and fearless account of those years, is the fact that key American Jewish leaders had other priorities that impaired their willingness to seek ways to impede the monstrous crime--or even to bring attention to it.
Placing a relentless and detailed focus for the first time on prominent American Jews who had strong ties to the Roosevelt Administration, Shogan provides the essential context--Jewish, psychological, historical, political--without which there can be no full understanding of what happened here. The vividly (if succinctly) underscored efforts of the maverick Peter Bergson and the "Bergson Group," as well as the savvy account of Jewish adviser David Niles' post-war maneuvering to obtain Truman administration support for the creation of the state of Israel, powerfully illustrate that where there's a will, there may be a way.
Pierre Sauvage
Varian Fry Institute
[...]
6 of 9 people found the following review helpful.
Roosevelt Among the Jews
By Elena Estivez
Award-winning journalist for Newsweek and the Los Angeles Times, Robert Shogan, has hit a historical home run with this book. He details the complex relationship between the always-devious and often-unprincipled Franklin D. Roosevelt and the prominent Jews who served as his chief advisors during his unprecedented four-term sojourn in the White House.
Who were "Roosevelt's Jews?" Shogan explains, "FDR's Jews had no mandate to speak for or to the Jewish community. Initially their religion was merely coincidental to their relationship with Roosevelt. But as the Nazi menace to European Jews steadily mounted, their identity as Jews brought an added dimension to their relationship with the president and gave them in the eyes of many Jews outside Washington enlarged importance."
"The most prestigious was Louis D. Brandeis, whom Woodrow Wilson had named as the first Jewish Supreme Court justice, and who as a sitting justice of the high court found occasion to advise the president and others in the executive branch--despite his professed devotion to the principle of judicial propriety. Next in prominence was Felix Frankfurter, Harvard law professor and early Roosevelt confidant, who would not join the federal government until six years into his presidency when Roosevelt appointed him to the Supreme Court. In somewhat similar circumstances was Sam Rosenman, officially a New York state judge, courtesy of an appointment by then Governor Roosevelt, whose true significance law in his role as FDR's chief speechwriter and a leading general adviser. Next im importance, though often overlooked by outsider Jews, was the only cabinet member among the President's Jews, Treasury Secretary Henry A. Morgenthau. An old Dutchess County (New York) neighbor of Roosevelt's, in this group Morgenthau was probably closest to the president personally. Finally, there was Benjamin V. Cohen, a relative newcomer to Roosevelt's inner circle, who would gain access to the Oval Office because of his skill as a legislative craftsman."
Rounding out the "kitchen kehilla" was another old supporter of Woodrow Wilson's, Rabbi Stephen S. Wise, founder of Manhattan's Free Synagogue and a leader in the city's anti-Tammany reform movement. Although friendly with FDR, Rabbi Wise was also the president's harshest critic in the group. Rabbi Wise doubted FDR's commitment to the liberal cause and once told Felix Frankfurter that Roosevelt was "all clay and no granite."
Yet it was Rabbi Wise who cemented the USA's "Jewish vote" to the Democratic Party. Shogan writes, "In 1940, as in 1936, Wise once again worried about the impression among the public of a Jewish vote for Roosevelt. This despite the fact that the Jewish vote for FDR was exactly what he hoped to achieve by his campaigning."
"'There are more Jews perhaps who are interested in this support for Roosevelt, voting for him on the ground that he is friendly to or good for the Jews,' (Wise) wrote to the American Jewish Congress, who had expressed concern on this issue. FDR's 'friendliness to Jews,' Wise argued 'has consisted in nothing more than his championing of the cause of human freedom as against the aggressor nations.'"
"Whatever the underlying cause, Jews gave Roosevelt an estimated 85 percent of their vote in 1936 and an even more robust 90 percent in 1940."
Shogan covers some of the more obscure crises of the 1930s, including the Integralista uprising in Brazil in 1937 and Secretary of the Interior Harold Ickes's plan to created a Jewish homeland in southern Alaska in 1938.
Despite efforts like these--and Churchill's goofy 1943 plan to create "a parking lot for Jews" on the then-Dutch owned island of Sumatra until the Allies could cajole or bully the Arabs into giving up Palestine--the rescue efforts of the "kitchen kehilla" came to naught. If nothing else, Roosevelt was the consumnate politician, and there was no way he was ever going to tamper with the restrictive U.S. immigration laws. No way was he going to hand the Republicans the hot-button issue of increased refugee immigration, particularly with the national unemployment rate still up around 20 percent.
"Meanwhile, Wise had to worry that homegrown anti-Semitism seemed to grow more virulent" in the USA all through the 1930s and 1940s. "In May 1939 a meeting sponsored by the Christian Front and other anti-Semitic organizations gathered in a space fewer than a hundred yards from Carnegie Hall...to extol the virtue of a 'Christian America.' Some in the audience of more than seven hundred interrupted speakers with shouts of 'throw the Jews out of Christian America.' A hundred (NYPD) police officers patrolled the meeting hall and the streets outside to prevent disorder," while the anti-Semites sang in unison, "Hang Rabbi Wise to a flagpole! Lynch Rabbi Wise!"
Amazingly, this incident was not the high-water-mark of American anti-Semitism. In December 1944, the Gallup Poll revealed that over 50 percent of its respondents had described Jews as "dangerous." On September 7, 1949, the anti-Semitic feeling of the period finally burst into violence with an actual pogrom in Fishkill, N.Y., an incident so serious that then-Gov. Thomas E. Dewey had to declare martial law.
"'And the police didn't interfere,' Wise complained" of the May 1939 Carnegie Hall riot. Though, as Shogan points out, "it is not clear what the police might have done to prevent citizens from nonviolently exercising their First Amendment rights."
A later Democratic president--William Jefferson Clinton-- said it best, Rabbi Wise..."Politics is a contact sport."
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